BBC Budapest Correspondent

Hungarians have a well-liked saying: “Visszanyal a fagyi”. Translation: “The ice-cream licks again.” In different phrases, be careful, as a result of what you take pleasure in devouring, would possibly take pleasure in devouring you.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has assiduously attacked a liberal world view for at the very least 20 years, reworking the nation into what he has variously known as an “intolerant democracy” and nation of “Christian liberty”.
In the meantime he has drawn admirers world wide, together with US Deputy President JD Vance and Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze. US President Donald Trump has known as Orban “sensible” and “a troublesome particular person”.
“One of the crucial revered males, they name him a robust man,” Trump stated in September 2024.
Forward of the following Hungarian election in April 2026, the LGBTQ group look like amongst Orban’s targets – his Fidesz social gathering rubber stamped a brand new legislation that sought to ban Satisfaction from going forward. And but between 100,000 and 200,000 folks turned out final month – up from simply 35,000 final 12 months.
However watching big crowds march via Budapest to have a good time homosexual delight, free speech and the correct to assemble – all in defiance of the ban – many marvel: might the liberal worldview chew again?
And in some methods, that in itself is the fallacious query. Orban’s energy is certainly now underneath menace, however not in the best way – or from the folks – one would possibly count on.
As the actual problem comes not from the liberal left, however the centre proper.
A shock challenger from Orban’s personal circle
Peter Magyar, a 44-year-old previously of Orban’s personal circle, appeared as a shock challenger in February 2024.
This adopted a scandal involving a choice to pardon a person convicted of protecting up youngster sexual abuse that led to President Katalin Novak resigning on dwell tv. Justice Minister Judit Varga (Magyar’s ex-wife) additionally resigned – and the scandal dealt a blow to Orban’s declare to face for conventional household values.
Magyar gave an extended interview to Partizan, the flagship opposition YouTube channel, blasting what he known as the nepotism and corruption of the governing social gathering.
Robert Puzser, an opposition activist who heads a brand new, non-party initiative known as Residents Resistance, says that Magyar is treading fastidiously, amid Fidesz officers and sure quarters of the media making an attempt to painting him as a liberal or leftist.
Magyar, he argues, is making an attempt to keep away from alienating his conservative base within the countryside, which till just lately was Orban’s undisputed heartland. And he has created his personal highly effective narrative – of a Hungary that’s collapsing.
Most nationwide polls put Tisza, Hungary’s predominant opposition social gathering led by Magyar, between 9% and 18% forward of Orban’s social gathering. Just one, the pro-government thinktank Viewpoint Institute, nonetheless places Fidesz narrowly forward.
The parlous state of state hospitals, state faculties, and state railways are all getting used towards Orban by Magyar and his social gathering. Now, Orban’s long-established playbook, so admired overseas, is beginning to fail at house – and it leaves Hungary nearer than ever to ousting a person who has dominated it for the previous 15 years.
Orban’s tried-and-tested technique
Orban has been in energy for 19 of the 35 years because the fall of Communism in 1990, making him one of the crucial skilled leaders within the EU. Within the early Nineteen Nineties, Fidesz broke away from its liberal roots, and Orban instilled a brand new conservative, nationalist, right-wing id.
In 2015, as scores of individuals travelled to Europe asking for asylum, Orban referred to them as a part of “a migratory motion composed of financial migrants, refugees and likewise overseas fighters”. He has opposed army help for Ukraine because the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022, and likewise opposes Ukraine’s bid for EU membership.
A cornerstone of Orban’s playbook has been his capacity to determine what his voters worry: this was true of every of his landslide victories, in 2010, 2014, 2018, and 2022.
A public opinion survey by the Publicus company carried out from 23-25 June discovered 45% of individuals have been in favour of the Satisfaction march in Budapest and 48% have been towards. Simply 8% of Fidesz voters accredited, nevertheless, so it was a flag to rally his personal camp behind.
For the reason that march, Fidesz supporters have shared some provocative pictures from Budapest Satisfaction, together with nudity and the story of a person arrested by police for masturbating in public.
After the occasion, people singer Marianna Majorosi, whose track was carried out throughout a drag queen present on the Satisfaction occasion, stated, “it deeply upsets me that as a performer I’ve no proper to forestall somebody from doing this to my voice”. Orban expressed his help for her on Fb.
In 2022, the federal government organised a referendum on youngster safety to coincide with the overall election. The questions included: “Do you help permitting youngsters in public faculties to take part in sexual orientation lessons with out parental consent?” And, “do you help the promotion of gender reassignment for minors?”
A complete of three.7 million Hungarians took half, with the overwhelming majority voting, “No”. Authorities officers have since cited that referendum outcome as proof that Hungarians oppose what Satisfaction stands for.
The winner takes all
One other key to Orban’s playbook is that the winner takes all. Orban misplaced energy in 2002 then returned to workplace in 2010, and in a brand new electoral legislation of 2011 he shrank Parliament from 386 seats to 199 and abolished the second spherical of elections, successfully channelling votes to the strongest social gathering.
Whereas the fractious opposition events fought for the crumbs, Fidesz took the cake. They took 45% of the vote in 2014, which translated to 67% of seats in Parliament. The previous system of proportional illustration was changed by one thing nearer to the first-past-the-post system, as used within the UK.
He has additionally appointed Fidesz-friendly judges to the Constitutional and Supreme Courtroom.
In 2014 he stated that the “intolerant state” he was establishing “doesn’t reject the basic ideas of liberalism resembling freedom… nevertheless it doesn’t make this ideology the central factor of state organisation”.
Orban remains to be struggling to search out the correct identify for his invention. András Lánczi, a thinker broadly thought of a robust affect on the prime minister, calls it “political realism… Concepts based mostly on expertise quite than the utopias and moralising that leftists like a lot”.
How he gained over world leaders
Orban guidelines by bullet-points, easy messages culled from unpublished opinion surveys commissioned by his authorities to search out out what’s worrying the general public. Professional-government media, social media, and nationwide billboards then act as an echo chamber for these messages.
Some leaders abroad seem to admire his method, whereas many MAGA Republicans love Orban for confronting “woke” tradition.
The Slovak and Georgian prime ministers are additionally seemingly agency admirers, as are Alice Weidel (Different for Germany), Geert Wilders (Dutch Celebration for Freedom), and Herbert Kickl (Austrian Freedom Celebration).
Orban has instilled in his countryfolk “a brand new self-confidence”, Mr Lánczi suggests, after centuries of overseas rule. “This nation has grow to be stronger, and we wish to imagine that we aren’t inferior to some other nations.”
However simply as he reaches the peak of his fame overseas, the carpet is seemingly being tugged from underneath his toes at house.
Are cracks beginning to seem?
Peter Magyar has toured the nation virtually constantly, attacking the federal government for circumstances in hospitals, a failing rail community and public service wages which might be among the many lowest in Europe.
He attracts giant crowds, and his visits to hospitals, faculties or care properties are broadcast dwell on Fb, with many attracting tens of 1000’s of views.
“We’ll re-build this nation collectively, brick by brick,” Magyar repeats. “Brick by brick!” chant the crowds, in unison.
Fidesz publicists have dismissed him as a hole “messiah”, or a traitor from their very own ranks. However Magyar has given the general public another imaginative and prescient of repairing the homeland.
Orban has himself began to make some errors, like backing the ultra-nationalist candidate George Simion within the current Romanian presidential election, regardless of an extended historical past of anti-Hungarian remarks. He thought of him to be a helpful ally within the European Parliament the place he shares Orban’s message that “Christian Europe” is underneath menace. However Simion was the shock loser of the second spherical of that election.
Orban’s failure to cease Satisfaction, after he promised his supporters it will not happen, additionally suggests some weakening of his energy.
However maybe most critically, the Hungarian economic system, closely depending on the German market, particularly German automobiles manufactured in Hungary, is stagnating. Orban can now not ship an improved lifestyle.
Even András Lánczi, who believes Orban will win the following election, says: “Unavoidably, there are such a lot of conflicts throughout such a very long time [in power]”, conflicts that “erode belief, erode respect, erode a number of optimistic issues that unite that political group.”
Battle for the soul of Hungary
Defeat for Orban, who has dominated Hungary for the previous 15 years, could be monumental.
“Orban is ready to mobilise his core citizens, which is about two million folks, nevertheless it’s not sufficient to win the elections,” says Zoltan Kiszelly, a political analyst near Fidesz.
The Tisza social gathering now additionally has about two million supporters. Greater than 5 million Hungarians voted within the 2022 election, with a 69% turnout – so the election in April 2026 will doubtless be determined by those that are at present undecided.
“We’re in search of coverage points that may appeal to these 500,000 to at least one million extra voters who’re wanted to outnumber the opposition,” Mr Kiszelly defined.
In 2022, amid the conflict in Ukraine, Orban portrayed himself because the “peace” candidate, and claimed the opposition would drag Hungary into conflict. It was a profitable tactic in a rustic, typically overrun in its historical past by overseas armies. In 2026, Ukraine might assist Orban win once more, Mr Kiszelly believes.
But if the conflict in Ukraine is over by then, Orban “the political realist” will be capable of declare credit score because the Western chief who warned that Ukraine can not defeat the would possibly of Russia. Or, if the conflict continues, Fidesz might step up its marketing campaign towards Manfred Weber, chief of the European Individuals’s Celebration (EPP), which helps continued Western army provides for Ukraine.
“Orban can current himself, as soon as once more, because the dove of peace,” Mr Kiszelly explains.
Orban additionally depicts his good relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin as a assure of low-cost Russian fuel and oil for Hungarian shoppers – consistently underneath menace from EU sanctions towards Russia. (Although Orban has not efficiently blocked any of the 18 packages of EU sanctions towards Russia to date.)
However his opponents hope that Tisza, and Magyar, can keep their polling lead. Mr Puzser, the opposition activist, believes Tisza will win “ultimately”.
He describes Hungary as being at a crossroads. “There’s a path resulting in a democratic transition from this semi-authoritarian, semi-constitutional system,” he argues, “and there’s a despotic path resulting in a dictatorship.”
As for Orban, he stated in March that there was a battle “for the soul of the Western world” – some see subsequent April’s election as a battle for the soul of Hungary.
Prime picture credit: Anna Moneymaker/ Leon Neal/ Pierre Crom by way of Getty
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